tiananmen 7: too late to back off

We're getting close to the end of this particular series, and coming up on a whole load of other significant dates as regards the blog - which is of course really trivial compared to what this post's actually about, but ignore that for a minute.

About the same time as the next Tiananmen Square Missive santiago's dead wasp will be two. Given the current rate of posting the next couple of months should see the 150th post. In the next fortnight I have an interview for this MA programme I've been banging on about for a while. Once that's out of the way an essay submitted for the application can finally be put online, and that's about it. But it's gotta beat months of silence right? Jesus, all this activity, you'd almost think I was bi-polar on top of everything else.

Oh yeah, saw Devil & Daniel Johnston, and despite it being a constant promise in relation top various films and books this time there really will be a review forthcoming. You can mail me threatening messages if it doesn't happen by mid-June. Well you can mail threatening messages anyway but I'll post 'em and take the piss.

So, on with the next instalment.

Martial law was publicly announced on May 19th, and was met with domestic and international condemnation. The protests had gone on too long and the leadership had made too many mistakes for demonstrators to back down. There were increasingly personal attacks on the elders in both Beijing and well over 100 cities in China. In cities distant from Beijing even Zhao Ziyang was the subject of slogans at this stage. In Beijing where martial law had been announced students, intellectuals and citizens blocked military movements.

The order for martial law was actually signed on the 20th. Surveys showed that there was widespread opposition to the decision. Li Peng was emerging as the most personally unpopular of the leadership amongst the public and the party, though he at least maintained the party line and stood firm against reformists and moderates.

The Autonomous Federation of Workers organised motorcyclists to carry news and pamphlets around Beijing for the demonstrators, who remained predominantly students. The hunger strike was ongoing, and many were in hospital. Concerns were beginning to grow about hygeine in the occupied square. Publications by various student and other protest groups were produced every day. Military helicopters hovered over Tiananmen Square. People were calling for Zhao Ziyang to be reinstated. Chinese students abroad expressed solidarity with the Beijing students. Provincial cities and party officials expressed support for the leadership and the imposition of martial law.

On the 21st Zhongnanhai, the complex of party buldings and residences, was fortified. Elsewhere in the city troops and citizens were existing side by side in a peaceful and largely amicable atmosphere. They were largely intermingled with groups of soldiers surrounded or blocked from moving further by the large numbers of demonstrators. It must have been a curious mixture of elation and anxiety.

From 22nd May Zhao Ziyang and Hu Qili (in charge of ideology and overseas propaganda) were replaced. While by convention Li Peng would have automatically replaced Zhao, his personal unpopularity in the country meant that he was passed over though he remained powerful. Eventually Jiang Zemin would become party general secretary.

In Tiananmen Square pamphlets continued to be produced and distributed with great frequency. There was great discussion as to whether the students should end their occupation of the square. But the decision was made that the protests had to continue until their aims were accomplished. Money continued to be raised to support the cause.

A reformist offical, Wan Li was on a foreign trip, from which he was recalled in order that he would not make any pro-demonstration remarks in public whilst out of China. On his return he would be debriefed by Jiang Zemin. Reformers such as Zhao Ziyang and Hu Qili were denounced. One of the most moderate elders, Yang Shangkun abandoned his more moderate stance to side with his mentor and long-term friend Deng Xiaoping. The conservatives in the government were taking charge, which could only lead to disaster for either them or the students.

Attempts were begun to stop outside students coming to Beijing, including giving the train operator powers to stop all journeys if necessary. In the city the biggest demonstration since the declaration of martial law saw 300 000 march through Beijing.

Leaflets attacking Li Peng and martial law were handed out on the 24th. Rumours were everywhere. Students realised that they had to see the protest through to whatever end it had as they were in no position to abandon their protest with any honour, having not yet achieved anything.

Wan Li arrived back in China on the 25th. The stand-off between troops and the demonstrators surrounding them continued.

The 26th brought condemnation of Zhao Ziyang and support for the elders by the military regional leadership. The democracy movement on the other hand also showed no signs of diminishing. The next day Wan Li would retreat from his former moderate stance to agree with the elders. In another piece of bad news on the 27th Zhao Ziyang's secretary Bao Tong was arrested. And the leadership decided that they must crack down on the students to end the demonstrations without bloodshed by the end of the month.

Next time: preparations to clear the square. Events take on an awful momentum.

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