tiananmen square 5.2: equilibrium?
Ok, I haven't had a chance to gather any resources for this post, but if I'm quick I'll be able to post some separately later today.
On 26th April a mixed reaction was reported from across China in response to the editorial in the People's Daily called 'The Necessity for a Clear Stand Against Turmoil'. In particular some believed that 'turmoil' was an inaccurate description. On the whole the nation was calm, though sympathy for the student demands was reported from campuses.
However, in an act that caused a lot of anger, Jiang Zemin in Shanghai fired Qin Benli as editor in chief of World Economic Herald for violating party discipline, and the paper was reorganised.
Large student demonstrations against the editorial began on the 27th, including in cities where hitherto there had been no demonstrations. By this time the world was certainly aware of what was going on in the major urban centres, though of course the government was unwilling to let any information out, and foreign reporters were somewhat limited in what they could see and say.
A small but significant number of troops were moved into Beijing to protect the Great Hall of the People with strict orders not to use weapons in any potential clash with students or citizens. That same day 50,000 students marched peacefully through the city without passing through Tiananmen Square. They had the support of citizens, the march was peaceful and happy in mood.
The heads of various newspapers met with senior officials, and expressed their frustration with the censorship on their coverage of the demonstrations. After the discussions the editors felt a little freer than they had. The government's tone in some of its statements and meetings seems to have been a little more reassuring and placatory, even if the fundamental position hadn't changed very much.
By April 28 officials at Beijing universities had concluded that students were now unlikely to give up their protests until they got dialogue with Party Central. The party leadership meanwhile was split between those who believed the students had good intentions and those who believed that dissidents and foreigners were stirring up trouble. Nonetheless the Politburo concluded that dialogue should be pursued.
The next day (April 29) saw another error of judgement by the government, leading to a hardening of student attitudes. State Council spokesman Yuan Mou and three other officials met with a group of 45 students. The officials, who were clearly briefed beforehand, took a hard party line throughout. They denied censorship, they claimed behind-the-scenes manipulation of students, and evaded any substantive questions by changing the subject. The whole charade was broadcast and caused widespread student anger, leading to more protests on the streets and on campuses.
On the 30th, the last day of April, Zhao Ziyang returned from North Korea. Despite the series of blunders in handling the demonstrations since he'd been away Beijing was calmer. Both the government and students were probably preparing for May 4th. It would mark the 70th anniversary of a student uprising in Beijing against international approval of Japanese territorial claims in 1919. The date was thought to be the beginning of the Chinese Communist Revolution.
On 26th April a mixed reaction was reported from across China in response to the editorial in the People's Daily called 'The Necessity for a Clear Stand Against Turmoil'. In particular some believed that 'turmoil' was an inaccurate description. On the whole the nation was calm, though sympathy for the student demands was reported from campuses.
However, in an act that caused a lot of anger, Jiang Zemin in Shanghai fired Qin Benli as editor in chief of World Economic Herald for violating party discipline, and the paper was reorganised.
Large student demonstrations against the editorial began on the 27th, including in cities where hitherto there had been no demonstrations. By this time the world was certainly aware of what was going on in the major urban centres, though of course the government was unwilling to let any information out, and foreign reporters were somewhat limited in what they could see and say.
A small but significant number of troops were moved into Beijing to protect the Great Hall of the People with strict orders not to use weapons in any potential clash with students or citizens. That same day 50,000 students marched peacefully through the city without passing through Tiananmen Square. They had the support of citizens, the march was peaceful and happy in mood.
The heads of various newspapers met with senior officials, and expressed their frustration with the censorship on their coverage of the demonstrations. After the discussions the editors felt a little freer than they had. The government's tone in some of its statements and meetings seems to have been a little more reassuring and placatory, even if the fundamental position hadn't changed very much.
By April 28 officials at Beijing universities had concluded that students were now unlikely to give up their protests until they got dialogue with Party Central. The party leadership meanwhile was split between those who believed the students had good intentions and those who believed that dissidents and foreigners were stirring up trouble. Nonetheless the Politburo concluded that dialogue should be pursued.
The next day (April 29) saw another error of judgement by the government, leading to a hardening of student attitudes. State Council spokesman Yuan Mou and three other officials met with a group of 45 students. The officials, who were clearly briefed beforehand, took a hard party line throughout. They denied censorship, they claimed behind-the-scenes manipulation of students, and evaded any substantive questions by changing the subject. The whole charade was broadcast and caused widespread student anger, leading to more protests on the streets and on campuses.
On the 30th, the last day of April, Zhao Ziyang returned from North Korea. Despite the series of blunders in handling the demonstrations since he'd been away Beijing was calmer. Both the government and students were probably preparing for May 4th. It would mark the 70th anniversary of a student uprising in Beijing against international approval of Japanese territorial claims in 1919. The date was thought to be the beginning of the Chinese Communist Revolution.
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