tiananmen 6: growing dissent
Ok finally the built-up posts on Tiananmen Square that I've been promising for a while. There's a lot to fit in so I'll try and keep it brief. As I'm writing this in the evening with no internet access I don't know whether I'll be able to put any links in this.
From this point on after a brief moment of hope events retrospectively take a turn for the tragic. At the time, watching from a distance, it didn't feel quite like that. There was a sense of optimism, a genuine belief that peaceful reform was imminent and could be achieved. And I believe that if the same thing were to happen tomorrow I'd probably take the same view.
In spite of the eventual outcome the protests were a fantastic demonstration of the human desire for dignity and respect. On the students' part they were peaceful until they came under attack, and it's a shame that we don't see more such protests.
On May 1st a Politburo Standing Committee meeting decided to go ahead with the May 4th commemorations, and to emphasise support for the government line and resistance to student networking.
At the same time the Beijing students were planning their commemoration of May 4th. On the 2nd they delivered a petition of 12 demands for a dialogue to be broadcast to a Party Central Bureau. They were also receiving monies from Chinese students overseas.
On the 3rd Zhao Ziyang delivered a speech for the May 4th celebrations. It focused on stability and on opposing turmoil, but at the same time praising youth and affirming the patriotism of the demonstrators and the legitimacy of their concerns. That same day State Council spokesman Yuan Mu rejected the 12 conditions for dialogue. The tone and content of his comments angered students. Meanwhile journalists began to join the demonstrations.
May 4th, the 70th anniversary of the uprising that marked the beginning of communists taking power in China. Tens of thousands of students converged on Tiananmen Square. A student leader read a declaration which said that the students were upholding the movement of 1919. Along the route of the student marches there was support from citizens. And it wasn't just Beijing, student demonstrations took place in in over 50 cities across China.
Zhao Ziyang expressed a moderate line on the protests. The next day there was a mixed reaction to the speech from his colleagues, they all endorsed his approach and believed it would help to calm the situation down, but there was some criticism. From the 5th students also began returning to classes across the country. On the 6th Zhao Ziyang favourably discussed the possibility of press reform. In internal discussions at least it seemed as though the government was shifting toward a more tolerant and open viewpoint.
The demonstrations had certainly come to the attention of the world by this time, and as has been remarked elsewhere, to the outsider there was an optimism and feeling of euphoria around events. The cold war was still underway though coming to a close. The threat of nuclear war was a shadow over my childhood and that of anyone of a similar age. We knew damn well we weren't going to get old, we were going to die quickly or slowly, after the US or the USSR launched an exchange of missiles. Mutually assured destruction. Anything that promised to ease the tension was welcome. Although of course by this time there was the new threat of HIV/AIDS threatening to make adulthood as threatening and joyless as childhood. But that's another story.
And this post is getting really long - sorry about that. Although students elsewhere were returning to class, in Beijing they continued to boycott classes. The base of the protests also widened as journalists handed in a petition calling for discussions on their rights to report more and with greater accuracy.
The Politburo continued to be split on the protests, while protesters continued to call for dialogue. It seems that the protests were beyond the experience and competence of most of the leadership, and that there was no clear policy or single body tasked with resolving the situation. Instead there were piecemeal, reactive actions and statements, a lack of clear unbiased intelligence coming through, and an unwillingness (perhaps inability) to challenge or even engage in honest debate with the elders. All of which helped contribute to a paralysis which allowed the situation to slip out of control. This runs counter to the analysis in the graphic retelling of events in Crisis, which portrays Li Peng as a malevolent puppet-master. Ironically if government had been less collegiate there might have been a more peaceful and satisfactory conclusion to events. Though if a single figure was calling the shots it's equally likely that there might have been bloody repression.
With Soviet premier Mikhail Gorbachev due to arrive in Beijing on May 15th with attendant media, on the 11th and 12th students proposed a hunger-strike and occupation of Tiananmen Square.
On the 13th Deng Xiaoping the most influential elder, President Yang Shangkun and Party General Secretary Zhao Ziyang held discussions. When Zhao Ziyang was later stripped of power it was claimed that Deng had opposed his position from the beginning, but records show that as late as this meeting Deng supported Zhao's stand. The same day Beijing students began their hunger-strike. They reiterated previously stated demands and asked again for a retraction of the government comments describing the protests as turmoil.
At least in private meetings much of the senior leadership was taking a hard line on the hunger-strike. But the residents of Beijing were sympathetic to and supportive of the students. On the 14th leaders including Zhao Ziyang, Yang Shangkun and Premier Li Peng decided to send ministers to speak with student representatives. Orders were also given to ensure that the health of students on hunger-strike would be safeguarded, and that there would be no deaths. Despite the meeting the distance between the two sides remained.
The following day, the 15th, was the day when Mikhail Gorbachev arrived in Beijing with attendant media scrutiny. When the Soviet premier arrived he had to be met at the airport. In Beijing further dialogue was held between ministers and student representatives. Yet again the talks were unable to come to any resolution. The major sticking point was the description of the demonstrations as 'turmoil'. Whatever empathy the ministers may have had with the students the word 'turmoil' had come from Deng Xiaoping himself, so they felt unable to withdraw the contentious word.
Minutes of a formal meeting show that Yang Shangkung was still at this stage sympathetic to the students and hopeful of a peaceful resolution. The same day intellectuals held a demonstration in support of the students and issued a statement critical of the government's handling of the crisis.
Again to the outside world, at least those uninformed of the real tensions, the whole momentum of events seemed positive. On the 16th there were massive demonstrations in support of the students. The students themselves were very actively attempting to keep their protests peaceful. Zhao Ziyang had seen that one of the major obstacles to progress in the present situation was the description of 'turmoil' in the April 26th editorial in the People's Daily. He argued that this characterisation must be changed. Others disagreed on the grounds that the words of Deng Xiaoping could not be changed. Zhao's ability to influence events was about to come to an end.
After a meeting on the 17th Deng decided against Zhao and proposed martial law. Zhao dissented from the proposal but he was outvoted. He then tried to resign and was refused, but from this point on he effectively withdrew from any further decisionmaking. He still had a role to play in the escalating tension between government and protestors, and would continue to work for a peaceful resolution.
Fasting students were collapsing and more than a million people came onto the streets. They came from a variety of backgrounds, and their banners expressed a great deal of anger and contempt toward the leadership.
On the 18th Zhao Ziyang and other senior figures including Li Peng went to the hospitals to visit fasting students. They referred frequently to the patriotism of students. But despite these visits and a meeting between senior officials including Li Peng and student representatives, on the 18th the elders decided to declare martial law in Beijing. Troops were deployed the following day.
Early on the 19th Zhao Ziyang (as well as Li Peng and others) visited Tiananmen Square. He gave an emotional and well received speech to students and appealed for them to end the hunger-strike and leave the square.
The evening of that day rumours ran round the square that force was going to be used, that Li Peng had seized control. The paranoia and fear that spread were a taste of what was to come over the next two and a half weeks in the square.
Now, this time it'll be back to normal on Saturday with a much shorter post.
From this point on after a brief moment of hope events retrospectively take a turn for the tragic. At the time, watching from a distance, it didn't feel quite like that. There was a sense of optimism, a genuine belief that peaceful reform was imminent and could be achieved. And I believe that if the same thing were to happen tomorrow I'd probably take the same view.
In spite of the eventual outcome the protests were a fantastic demonstration of the human desire for dignity and respect. On the students' part they were peaceful until they came under attack, and it's a shame that we don't see more such protests.
On May 1st a Politburo Standing Committee meeting decided to go ahead with the May 4th commemorations, and to emphasise support for the government line and resistance to student networking.
At the same time the Beijing students were planning their commemoration of May 4th. On the 2nd they delivered a petition of 12 demands for a dialogue to be broadcast to a Party Central Bureau. They were also receiving monies from Chinese students overseas.
On the 3rd Zhao Ziyang delivered a speech for the May 4th celebrations. It focused on stability and on opposing turmoil, but at the same time praising youth and affirming the patriotism of the demonstrators and the legitimacy of their concerns. That same day State Council spokesman Yuan Mu rejected the 12 conditions for dialogue. The tone and content of his comments angered students. Meanwhile journalists began to join the demonstrations.
May 4th, the 70th anniversary of the uprising that marked the beginning of communists taking power in China. Tens of thousands of students converged on Tiananmen Square. A student leader read a declaration which said that the students were upholding the movement of 1919. Along the route of the student marches there was support from citizens. And it wasn't just Beijing, student demonstrations took place in in over 50 cities across China.
Zhao Ziyang expressed a moderate line on the protests. The next day there was a mixed reaction to the speech from his colleagues, they all endorsed his approach and believed it would help to calm the situation down, but there was some criticism. From the 5th students also began returning to classes across the country. On the 6th Zhao Ziyang favourably discussed the possibility of press reform. In internal discussions at least it seemed as though the government was shifting toward a more tolerant and open viewpoint.
The demonstrations had certainly come to the attention of the world by this time, and as has been remarked elsewhere, to the outsider there was an optimism and feeling of euphoria around events. The cold war was still underway though coming to a close. The threat of nuclear war was a shadow over my childhood and that of anyone of a similar age. We knew damn well we weren't going to get old, we were going to die quickly or slowly, after the US or the USSR launched an exchange of missiles. Mutually assured destruction. Anything that promised to ease the tension was welcome. Although of course by this time there was the new threat of HIV/AIDS threatening to make adulthood as threatening and joyless as childhood. But that's another story.
And this post is getting really long - sorry about that. Although students elsewhere were returning to class, in Beijing they continued to boycott classes. The base of the protests also widened as journalists handed in a petition calling for discussions on their rights to report more and with greater accuracy.
The Politburo continued to be split on the protests, while protesters continued to call for dialogue. It seems that the protests were beyond the experience and competence of most of the leadership, and that there was no clear policy or single body tasked with resolving the situation. Instead there were piecemeal, reactive actions and statements, a lack of clear unbiased intelligence coming through, and an unwillingness (perhaps inability) to challenge or even engage in honest debate with the elders. All of which helped contribute to a paralysis which allowed the situation to slip out of control. This runs counter to the analysis in the graphic retelling of events in Crisis, which portrays Li Peng as a malevolent puppet-master. Ironically if government had been less collegiate there might have been a more peaceful and satisfactory conclusion to events. Though if a single figure was calling the shots it's equally likely that there might have been bloody repression.
With Soviet premier Mikhail Gorbachev due to arrive in Beijing on May 15th with attendant media, on the 11th and 12th students proposed a hunger-strike and occupation of Tiananmen Square.
On the 13th Deng Xiaoping the most influential elder, President Yang Shangkun and Party General Secretary Zhao Ziyang held discussions. When Zhao Ziyang was later stripped of power it was claimed that Deng had opposed his position from the beginning, but records show that as late as this meeting Deng supported Zhao's stand. The same day Beijing students began their hunger-strike. They reiterated previously stated demands and asked again for a retraction of the government comments describing the protests as turmoil.
At least in private meetings much of the senior leadership was taking a hard line on the hunger-strike. But the residents of Beijing were sympathetic to and supportive of the students. On the 14th leaders including Zhao Ziyang, Yang Shangkun and Premier Li Peng decided to send ministers to speak with student representatives. Orders were also given to ensure that the health of students on hunger-strike would be safeguarded, and that there would be no deaths. Despite the meeting the distance between the two sides remained.
The following day, the 15th, was the day when Mikhail Gorbachev arrived in Beijing with attendant media scrutiny. When the Soviet premier arrived he had to be met at the airport. In Beijing further dialogue was held between ministers and student representatives. Yet again the talks were unable to come to any resolution. The major sticking point was the description of the demonstrations as 'turmoil'. Whatever empathy the ministers may have had with the students the word 'turmoil' had come from Deng Xiaoping himself, so they felt unable to withdraw the contentious word.
Minutes of a formal meeting show that Yang Shangkung was still at this stage sympathetic to the students and hopeful of a peaceful resolution. The same day intellectuals held a demonstration in support of the students and issued a statement critical of the government's handling of the crisis.
Again to the outside world, at least those uninformed of the real tensions, the whole momentum of events seemed positive. On the 16th there were massive demonstrations in support of the students. The students themselves were very actively attempting to keep their protests peaceful. Zhao Ziyang had seen that one of the major obstacles to progress in the present situation was the description of 'turmoil' in the April 26th editorial in the People's Daily. He argued that this characterisation must be changed. Others disagreed on the grounds that the words of Deng Xiaoping could not be changed. Zhao's ability to influence events was about to come to an end.
After a meeting on the 17th Deng decided against Zhao and proposed martial law. Zhao dissented from the proposal but he was outvoted. He then tried to resign and was refused, but from this point on he effectively withdrew from any further decisionmaking. He still had a role to play in the escalating tension between government and protestors, and would continue to work for a peaceful resolution.
Fasting students were collapsing and more than a million people came onto the streets. They came from a variety of backgrounds, and their banners expressed a great deal of anger and contempt toward the leadership.
On the 18th Zhao Ziyang and other senior figures including Li Peng went to the hospitals to visit fasting students. They referred frequently to the patriotism of students. But despite these visits and a meeting between senior officials including Li Peng and student representatives, on the 18th the elders decided to declare martial law in Beijing. Troops were deployed the following day.
Early on the 19th Zhao Ziyang (as well as Li Peng and others) visited Tiananmen Square. He gave an emotional and well received speech to students and appealed for them to end the hunger-strike and leave the square.
The evening of that day rumours ran round the square that force was going to be used, that Li Peng had seized control. The paranoia and fear that spread were a taste of what was to come over the next two and a half weeks in the square.
Now, this time it'll be back to normal on Saturday with a much shorter post.
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